| For most of the human past, people lived in small bands, each containing
no more than a few dozen individuals controlling their own affairs entirely
locally. Even when people in some places began settling into villages some
ten thousand years ago, the local community remained self-governing. Perhaps
seven or eight thousand years ago there arose the first multi-community
societies: chiefdoms, in which one person had achieved effective political
control over two or more villages. In the following millennia, some of
the chiefdoms coalesced into states: multi-community societies with a central
government strong enough to tax, draft, and legislate. With this came social
cleavages--familiar to us today--between town and country, rich and poor,
rulers and ruled. The cultures of state-level societies differ greatly
from the cultures of band and village societies; they differ much less
among themselves. When Cortes first encountered the Aztec, for example,
he found much that reminded him of life back home--fields, markets, churches,
and "many poor people who beg from the rich in the streets as the poor
do in Spain and in other civilized places" (Cortes 1986 [orig. 1522]:75).
Social growth indeed causes culture to evolve in certain definite ways,
as Herbert
Spencer had insisted.
Chiefdoms, and especially states, developed independently in several
places around the world; but in most places, humans continued living in
bands or villages. What made the difference? In 1970, Robert L. Carneiro
identified three kinds of circumstance that seemed to foster political
evolution. The first is environmental circumscription--fertile land more
or less hemmed in by mountains, deserts, or water. Here, as agricultual
intensification made land ever more scarce, defeat in war increasingly
would leave the losers with nowhere to go to escape subjugation. Chiefdoms,
and eventually states, would result. A second circumstance is resource
concentration--productive resources, such as lakes or streams rich in seafood,
so attractive that people try to stay near them. A third circumstance is
social circumscription--being hemmed in not by geographical features but
by other societies.
The term "social circumscription" Carneiro borrowed from Napoleon Chagnon
(1992).
Chagnon had observed that population growth among the Yanomamo Indians
of the Amazon Basin led to villages splitting and spreading deeper into
the tropical forest around them. Due to such splitting, the average village
size--around one hundred people--seemed fairly stable through time. At
any given time, though, the more centrally located villages were the largest.
Perhaps, Chagnon suggested, this was because, being surrounded by other
villages (usually hostile), central villages were less able than peripheral
ones to resolve internal conflicts by splitting.
A time-honored idea held that human societies, like organisms, had a
natural tendency to grow larger. (This analogy was elaborated especially
in the 19th century by Herbert
Spencer.) From Chagnon's work, though, it seemed that the natural tendency
was for societies instead to stay about the same size, even when overall
population was growing, due to splitting. Was it possible that the tendency
to resolve social conflict by splitting was in fact a deep and universal
propensity that had had to be suppressed before large societies ever could
evolve in the first place? Could inhibition of splitting be the key to
human social evolution? Suppose it was. Under what conditions would splitting
be easy, and under what conditions would it become difficult? It seemed
to me that the most important factor would be the presence or absence of
opportunities for geographic expansion. If a growing population was surrounded
by rich, unoccupied territory, it would expand easily into that territory;
but it would do so Yanomamo-like, and the average society size would remain
nearly constant due to splitting. Increase in this average size would be
expected only when the opportunity to expand was somehow inhibited. Inhibited
expansion would lead to inhibited splitting; if societies could no longer
split fast enough to offset population growth, larger societies-- chiefdoms,
states, empires--eventually would be forged, and culture would have to
be transformed accordingly. What kinds of conditions would cause this process
to unfold? The very circumstances Carneiro had identified: environmental
circumscription, social circumscription, and resource concentration.
It proved possible to formulate mathematical definitions for inihibition
of both geographical expansion and political splitting. The assumption
that splitting would not be inhibited until expansion was inhibited proved
fruitful, and led to an exact mathematical theory of the relationship between
population density and political evolution. I began presenting these ideas
at meetings of the American Anthropological Association in the mid 1980's;
my first article on the subject appeared in 1988; and a book, A Scientific
Model of Social and Cultural Evolution, came out in 1995. I continue
working along the same lines today. I like to think it is the richness
of the ideas that has kept me absorbed so long; but I'm afraid another
reason is my slowness at figuring out even rather elementary mathematical
implications! |